Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, fondly known as Babasaheb, remains an iconic figure in Indian history, celebrated for his relentless fight against social injustices and his pivotal role in framing the Indian Constitution. Soon India will mark the completion of 75th years of our constitution. It becomes imperative therefore, to scrutinize whether the dreams harmonised by Babasaheb have indeed been materialised or not. The present landscape of the country sees a resurgence of the ideas of Ambedkar for multiple reasons. And his ideas do supply a solid framework - still, for many of the contemporary issues, which even now seem insurmountable.
Central to his philosophical vision for the country was the establishment of a society grounded in equality and justice. His work "Annihilation of Caste" remains a seminal treatise on the subject, where he critiques the rigid and dehumanizing caste hierarchies. For him, the exploitation of Dalits was the major problem that sprouted from this rigid caste system. His vision for Dalits included: immediate eradication of untouchability, removal of physical disabilities such as inaccessibility to basic amenities, water, land, etc.; higher posts in administration and politics, which would in turn allow the community to have strategic positions to realise their dignity and have equal opportunity and status.[1]
Although central to the cause of Dalit emancipation, Babasaheb's vision was not limited to Dalit community only. His broader vision also included instatement of social democracy, allowing the actualisation of the values of equality, fraternity and liberty. In his speech given in Constituent Assembly of India in 1949, he said:
"We must make our political democracy a social democracy as well. Political democracy cannot last unless there lies at the base of its social democracy" [2]
Further, his economic ideas also deserve a greater recognition, and scrutinization of their current actualisation. His Columbia dissertation on center-state financial relations, is pretty relevant even now. It argues for creating more financial avenues for local bodies to function independently. India's local bodies still face problems of lack of funds for developmental purposes. His essay on agriculture and farm holdings (1918), provides an apt solution for "disguised employment" in Indian agriculture by focusing on increasing primary capital, by a way of industrialization. Since, only distributing land without proper means to generate revenue out of it would not foster economic development or equitable livelihood.[3] He also felt the need for greater economic well-being as an enabler for removing other social injustices and inequalities, such casteism or gender disparities.
Having observed the contemporary society minutely, he was also disgraced to see the downtrodden condition of women in his time. As a staunch supporter of women upliftment, he favoured greater gender parity. He once remarked:
"Let each girl who marries stand up to her husband claim to be her husband’s friend and refuse to be his slave.”
With respect to the role of education, he considered secular, scientific and empirical instruction along the modern lines, to be a pivotal in making our society casteless and classless. Ambedkar (1956) consistently stressed 'education' as the only means to have jobs, employment and upward social mobility. According to him, education in a philosophical sense, meant a way to develop one's soul and thereby remove the notion of intellectual inferiority that was subjugated to the marginalised communities.
On the completion of 75 years of our Constitution, the question thus arises: has Babasaheb Ambedkar's vision really come true? The answer is convoluted. Although one can see comparable amelioration in most of the areas, there is still a long way for India to wholly materialise Ambedkar's vision.
Thanks to the provisions in our Constitution, such as Article 17 which makes Untouchability a cognizable offence, and values of equality in our Directives Principles of State Policy (Article 46), along with other Constitutional measures, the monstrous practice of Untouchability in India has significantly been reduced, if not completely eradicated. There are constitutional provisions to seek remedies in case of exploitation.
The reservation in matters of education and employment has been a remarkable step in achieving some socio-economic parity. The reservations in educational institutions have enabled greater access to higher education for marginalized communities. For instance, the literacy rate of the SC community has increased from around 10 percent in 1961 to around 66 percent in 2011.[4] The proliferation of institutions like the Indian Institutes of Technology (IITs), Indian Institutes of Management (IIMs), and numerous universities has created pathways for educational advancement.
Notwithstanding, the hurdles are still present. The conscious or unconscious prejudices of teachers and administrators are perpetuated through their interactions with students. The increasing privatization, though, inherent in every capitalist society, hinders equitable education for all citizens.
Being the largest democracy in the world, the socio-political robustness of the Indian polity is evident through its experience of a more or less fair electoral process since Independence. It is a time when principal democracies like the United States of America are facing democratic problems, such as seen in the 2020 Capitol March, or the UK's conundrum where people's basic necessities are not fulfilled by democratically elected representatives. It seems India is doing rather satisfactorily. That does not mean that we as a political democracy do not face issues. But because of the solid framework given by our Constitution, the extreme elements are kept in check to a certain extent. And the wheel of democracy is working mostly fine.
The challenges, however, in the socio-political realm, are numerous. For, sometimes, by focusing only on the process of democracy, we tend to forget the end goal, which is of creating a fair and just society. According to Ambedkar achieving 'the trinity' of 'liberty, equality and fraternity' is the ultimate goal of any social democracy. For him,
"These principles of liberty, equality and fraternity are not to be treated as separate items in a trinity. They form a union of trinity in a sense that to divorce one from the other is to defeat the very purpose of democracy."
These very principles are the bedrock of his idea of social democracy. His philosophy was concerned with social improvement, political illumination, and spiritual awakening. And this we still have to achieve. We are still grappling with the problems age old dogmas, rigid caste system and various superstitions.
The religious emancipation which he hoped for has taken another form. It is in the process of appropriation of Ambedkar, especially in Maharashtra. There is an ongoing process of 'hinduisation of Ambedkar' to undo the attempts of Ambedkar to free the Dalit community from the age-old Hindu caste hierarchies.[5] By appropriating Ambedkar's ideas and putting Ambedkar along with that of Hindu customs, or by giving him a godly status, the ideological and political content of his philosophy seems to have been stripped out of its original form. This is apparent from the ongoing practice of the Buddhist community worshiping Ambedkar as a Hindu God, in many parts of Maharashtra. Not only this is ironic but also a precise case of history repeating itself. For, in ancient India when much of the Hindu population was shifting to Buddhism to escape from casteist hierarchies, Hindu rulers and elites saw it as a threat to their power domination, and thus tried to appropriate Buddha as a part of Hindu mythology to win over their transformed followers.
The repetition of long-standing patterns of exploitation is also evident from the transfiguration of earlier means of oppression into relatively milder external forms. However, their sociological impact is still pretty corrosive. This is clearly seen in strict abhorrence of inter-caste marriages, prejudices in workplaces, educational institutions and nearly every stratum of society. This is also, according to Ambedkar, one of the most, if not the most ponderous barriers in to a way of achieving our societal goals.
Being an erudite economist, Dr. Ambedkar had a vision of economic prosperity for all. For him, the economic well-being of downtrodden people is the only way to achieve the aforesaid social development. In terms of socio-economic growth, India has indeed come a long way from where it started with Independence. With the introduction of liberalisation, privatisation and globalisation, India has made big strides in its financial stability and economic consolidation. The living conditions have significantly improved. The distribution, however, has been inequal. This remains a significant challenge for India. The focus should be on creating avenues for poverty-stricken communities to get out of their perpetual misery caused by economic difficulties.
As we look at the legacy of our Constitution and of Dr. Ambedkar, it's important to trace our progress and modify our goals and vision, as per the requirements of contemporary times. This even Ambedkar has argued:
"What I do say is that the principles embodied in the Constitution are the views of the present generation."
This is aligned with Thomas Jefferson's view about the need to mold accordingly to the needs of the present generation. He said:
"We may consider each generation as a distinct nation, with a right, by the will of the majority, to bind themselves, but none to bind the succeeding generation more than the inhabitants of another country."
The rationale behind this is the notion of addressing the relevant problems of today. The problems that India faces now have changed significantly from what they were at the time of our Independence. But the philosophy of Ambedkar is still relevant in solving many of the diseases that plague Indian society today. Ambedkar's vision of democracy has to be realised to free our society from religious fanaticism, fundamentalism, casteism and hatred. And give a way for more inclusive, prosperous and developed society.
Sources
1. Ambedkar's BBC Interview (1955) https://youtu.be/Wf3VJCpNMqI?si=oZVbL_Lk5lgBcFtW
2. Assembly Speech, Drafting Committee, 1949
3. SMALL HOLDINGS IN INDIA AND THEIR REMEDIES (1918) https://www.ambedkar.org/ambcd/11.%20Small%20Holdings%20in%20India%20and%20their%20Remedies.htm
4. Census of India, Registrar office of India
5. Gopal Guru. “Hinduisation of Ambedkar in Maharashtra.” Economic and Political Weekly, vol. 26, no. 7, 1991, pp. 339–41. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/4397328
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